Protestant denominations in Russia have experienced a long and often difficult history, beginning in the 16th and 17th centuries when German settlers and foreign merchants introducedLutheran and Reformed traditions under Tsarist rule. Although rulers like Peter the Great and Catherine the Great offered Protestants some degree of religious tolerance, their rights remained unstable and subject to governmental control. During the imperial period, Protestants were permitted to exist but remained on the margins, often limited to ethnically distinct communitiesand faced with barriers to proselytizing and building churches.
Nationalism in Kyrgyzstan is deeply rooted in a complex narrative that blends ethnic identity with the concept of civic statehood. Since gaining independence in 1991, political elites have consistently drawn on historical symbols of unity, frequently invoking the legendary hero Manas to reinforce notions of threatened sovereignty and cultural revival. This historical framework has shaped the country’s understanding of its internal and external challenges and fostered a collective sense of vulnerability, particularly toward neighboring ethnic groups and foreign influences.
The human rights in Netherlands are sporadically jeopardized, for instance, when xenophobic or radicalized individuals and groups threat dignity (hate speech against Jews, Muslims, immigrants, homosexuals; ethnic profiling; police racism), or physical integrity (xenophobic, or homophobic attacks, attacks on refugee shelters, etc.)
The problem of Xenophobia and Radicalism remains for a number of years one of the main problems in the so-called "Greater Europe." What has changed over the past year?
Analysis is given on the basis of 8 EU countries (France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland and the United Kingdom), as well as Russia and Ukraine, as countries who play a significant role in political and economic processes in Europe.
It is commonly believed that the main reason is the presence of entrenched xenophobic traditions of the majority and minority, inadequate legislation on minorities and the increase in migration flows from Asia and Africa, which creates the demand for extreme right policies from the indigenous populations. However, migration from Third World countries into Europe has been present since the 1950s.
In addition, radical Islamists very often are originally second or third generation immigrants, born in Europe and fluent in the language of the country they live in. Therefore, it is fair to say that the cause is more fundamental – in their self-determination and the readiness of minorities to respect the traditions of the majority and vice versa. Does this mean that traditions and legislation play the main role in this issue? Not necessarily. There is a whole range of influencing factors, including the type of integration model implemented by a country.
The transnational far right is currently flourishing. The unexpected election of the racist, nationalist and isolationist Donald Trump as president of the United States has galvanised far right groups across the world. In Europe, the rise of Trump combined with an increase in Jihadi Islamist terrorism and an influx of refugees escaping Middle Eastern war has led to a resurgence of far right activity. Politically, the far right has become mainstream in many countries, for example France, Germany and Austria, and far right themes (racism, xenophobia, anti-liberalism, nationalism and social conservativism, amongst others) are gaining traction with the European electorates at an alarming rate. Beyond the confines of the nation-state, moreover far right movements are also scoring victories and mobilising activists, as this report will emphasise.
This present article aims to analyse the most prominent manifestations of hatred in countries of the so-called “Greater Europe”, i.e. the Council of Europe member-states and countries located within European geographical borders. The primary objective is to identify factors that influence the demand for radicalism and those that contribute to the reduction of radical sentiments in society.
The situation with hate crime in Russia remains twofold. On the one hand, Russia has a sufficiently developed legislation protecting minority rights, combatting xenophobia, etc. Public officials on all levels are actively speaking against xenophobia. The new Federal Agency on Nationalities Affairs is designed to focus on ensuring interethnic harmony in the country. The government continuously provides grants to relevant NPOs. In 2015, a significant decrease in hate crime was observed. This trend is most likely caused by two factors – activity of the law enforcement and the focus of local nationalists on the conflict in Ukraine. On the other hand, there are some issues in law enforcement practices, specifically discrimination of minorities – immigrants, members of “sects” and LGBT.